How cfDNA testing has changed prenatal care

The much-touted arrival of “precision medicine” promises tailored technologies that help individuals and may also reduce health care costs. New research shows how pregnancy screening can meet both of these objectives, but the findings also highlight how precision medicine must be matched well with patients to save money.

The study involves cfDNA screenings, a type of blood test that can reveal conditions based on chromosomal variation, such as Down Syndrome. For many pregnant women, though not all, cfDNA screenings can be an alternative to amniocentesis or chorionic villus sampling (CVS) — invasive procedures that come with a risk of miscarriage.

In examining how widely cfDNA tests should be used, the study reached a striking conclusion.

“What we find is the highest value for the cfDNA testing comes from people who are high risk, but not extraordinarily high risk,” says Amy Finkelstein, an MIT economist and co-author of a newly published paper detailing the study.

The paper, “Targeting Precision Medicine: Evidence from Prenatal Screening,” appears in the Journal of Political Economy. The co-authors are Peter Conner, an associate professor and senior consultant at Karolinska University Hospital in Sweden; Liran Einav, a professor of economics at Stanford University; Finkelstein, the John and Jennie S. MacDonald Professor of Economics at MIT; and Petra Persson, an assistant professor of economics at Stanford University.

“There is a lot of hope attached to precision medicine,” Persson says. “We can do a lot of new things and tailor health care treatments to patients, which holds a lot of promise. In this paper, we highlight that while this is all true, there are also significant costs in the personalization of medicine. As a society, we may want to examine how to use these technologies while keeping an eye on health care costs.”

Measuring the benefit to “middle-risk” patients

To conduct the study, the research team looked at the introduction of cfDNA screening in Sweden, during the period from 2011 to 2019, with data covering over 230,000 pregnancies. As it happens, there were also regional discrepancies in the extent to which cfDNA screenings were covered by Swedish health care, for patients not already committed to having invasive testing. Some regions covered cfDNA testing quite widely, for all patients with a “moderate” assessed risk or higher; other regions, by contrast, restricted coverage to a subset of patients within that group with elevated risk profiles. This provided variation the researchers could use when conducting their analysis.

With the most generous coverage of cfDNA testing, the procedure was used by 86 percent of patients; with more targeted coverage, that figure dropped to about 33 percent. In both cases, the amount of invasive testing, including amniocentesis, dropped significantly, to about 5 percent. (The cfDNA screenings are very informative, but not fully conclusive, which invasive testing is, so some pregnant women will opt-for a follow-up procedure.)

Both approaches, then, yielded similar reductions in the rate of invasive testing. But due to the costs of cfDNA tests, the economic implications are quite different. Introducing wide coverage of cfDNA tests would raise overall medical costs by about $250 per pregnancy, the study estimates. In contrast, introducing cfDNA with more targeted coverage yields a reduction of about $89 per patient.

Ultimately, the larger dynamics are clear. Pregnant women who have the highest risk of bearing children with chromosome-based conditions are likely to still opt for an invasive test like amniocentesis. Those with virtually no risk may not even have cfDNA tests done. For a group in between, cfDNA tests have a substantial medical value, relieving them of the need for an invasive test. And narrowing the group of patients getting cfDNA tests lowers the overall cost.

“People who are very high-risk are often going to use the invasive test, which is definitive, regardless of whether they have a cfDNA screen or not,” Finkelstein says. “But for middle-risk people, covering cfDNA produces a big increase in cfDNA testing, and that produces a big decline in the rates of the riskier, and more expensive, invasive test.”

How precise?

In turn, the study’s findings raise a larger point. Precision medicine, in almost any form, will add expenses to medical care. Therefore developing some precision about who receives it is significant.

“The allure of precision medicine is targeting people who need it, so we don’t do expensive and potentially unpleasant tests and treatments of people who don’t need them,” Finkelstein says. “Which sounds great, but it kicks the can down the road. You still need to figure out who is a candidate for which kind of precision medicine.”

Therefore, in medicine, instead of just throwing technology at the problem, we may want to aim carefully, where evidence warrants it. Overall, that means good precision medicine builds on good policy analysis, not just good technology.

“Sometimes when we think medical technology has an impact, we simply ask if the technology raises or lowers health care costs, or if it makes patients healthier,” Persson observes. “An important insight from our work, I think, is that the answers are not just about the technology. It’s about the pairing of technology and policy because policy is going to influence the impact of technology on health care and patient outcomes. We see this clearly in our study.”

In this case, finding comparable patient outcomes with narrower cfDNA screenings suggests one way of targeting diagnostic procedures. And across many possible medical situations, finding the subset of people for whom a technology is most likely to yield new and actionable information seems a promising objective.

“The benefit is not just an innate feature of the testing,” Finkelstein says. “With diagnostic technologies, the value of information is greatest when you’re neither obviously appropriate or inappropriate for the next treatment. It’s really the non-monotone value of information that’s interesting.”

The study was supported, in part, by the U.S. National Science Foundation.

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How is the world watching the 2024 US election?

No matter the outcome, the results of the 2024 United States presidential election are certain to have global impact. How are citizens and leaders in other parts of the world viewing this election? What’s at stake for their countries and regions?

This was the focus of “The 2024 US Presidential Election: The World is Watching,” a Starr Forum held earlier this month on the MIT campus.

The Starr Forum is a public event series hosted by MIT’s Center for International Studies (CIS), and focused on leading issues of global interest. The event was moderated by Evan Lieberman, director of CIS and the Total Professor of Political Science and Contemporary Africa.

Experts in African, Asian, European, and Latin American politics assembled to share ideas with one another and the audience.

Each offered informed commentary on their respective regions, situating their observations within several contexts including the countries’ style of government, residents’ perceptions of American democratic norms, and America’s stature in the eyes of those countries’ populations.

Perceptions of U.S. politics from across the globe

Katrina Burgess, professor of political economy at Tufts University and the director of the Henry J. Leir Institute of Migration and Human Security, sought to distinguish the multiple political identities of members of the Latin American diaspora in America and their perceptions of America’s relationship with their countries.

“American democracy is no longer perceived as a standard bearer,” Burgess said. “While members of these communities see advantages in aligning themselves with one of the presidential candidates because of positions on economic relations, immigration, and border security, others have deeply-held views on fossil fuels and increased access to sustainable energy solutions.”

Prerna Singh, Brown University’s Mahatma Gandhi Professor of Political Science and International Studies, spoke about India’s status as the world’s largest democracy and described a country moving away from democratic norms.

“Indian leaders don’t confer with the press,” she said. “Indian leaders don’t debate like Americans.”

The ethnically and linguistically diverse India, Singh noted, has elected several women to its highest government posts, while the United States has yet to elect one. She described a brand of “exclusionary nationalism” that threatened to move India away from democracy and toward something like authoritarian rule. 

John Githongo, the Robert E. Wilhelm Fellow at CIS for 2024-25, shared his findings on African countries’ views of the 2024 election.

“America’s soft power infrastructure in Africa is crumbling,” said Githongo, a Kenyan native. “Chinese investment in Africa is up significantly and China is seen by many as an ideal political and economic partner.”

Youth-led protests in Kenya, Githongo noted, occurred in response to a failure of promised democratic reforms. He cautioned against a potential return to a pre-Cold War posture in Africa, noting that the Biden administration was the first in some time to attempt to reestablish economic and political ties with African countries.

Daniel Ziblatt, the Eaton Professor of Government at Harvard University and the director of the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies, described shifting political winds in Europe that appear similar to increased right-wing extremism and a brand of populist agitation being observed in America.

“We see the rise of the radical, antidemocratic right in Europe and it looks like shifts we’ve observed in the U.S.,” he noted. “Trump supporters in Germany, Poland, and Hungary are increasingly vocal.”

Ziblatt acknowledged the divisions in the historical transatlantic relationship between Europe and America as symptoms of broader challenges. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, energy supply issues, and national security apparatuses dependent on American support may continue to cause political ripples, he added.

Does America still have global influence?

Following each of their presentations, the guest speakers engaged in a conversation, taking questions from the audience. There was agreement among panelists that there’s less investment globally in the outcome of the U.S. election than may have been observed in past elections.

Singh noted that, from the perspective of the Indian media, India has bigger fish to fry.

Panelists diverged, however, when asked about the rise of political polarization and its connection with behaviors observed in American circles.

“This trend is global,” Burgess asserted. “There’s no causal relationship between American phenomena and other countries’ perceptions.”

“I think they’re learning from each other,” Ziblatt countered when asked about extremist elements in America and Europe. “There’s power in saying outrageous things.”

Githongo asserted a kind of “trickle-down” was at work in some African countries.

“Countries with right-leaning governments see those inclinations make their way to organizations like evangelical Christians,” he said. “Their influence mirrors the rise of right-wing ideology in other African countries and in America.”

Singh likened the continued splintering of American audiences to India’s caste system.

“I think where caste comes in is with the Indian diaspora,” she said. “Indian-American business and tech leaders tend to hail from high castes.” These leaders, she said, have outsized influence in their American communities and in India.